The Art of Suicide as Selfexpression So as to Exist in the Diversion of Rational Thought Demo
References
i The term "Vienna Moderns" refers to those individuals involved in the development of modernism in art, architecture, design, music, and philosophy in the Austrian Haupt-und-Residenzstadt effectually the plow of the century. In literature, the term is virtually commonly associated with the "Jung-Wien" circle of writers and critics Hermann Bahr, Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Arthur Schnitzler, Peter Altenberg, and Karl Kraus; while in philosophy, modernism remains coupled with the names of Sigmund Freud and Ernst Mach. In the arts, Viennese Modernism is linked to the institutional offshoots from the Association of Fine Artists: the Secession, led by Gustav Klimt (1897), the Hagenbund (1900), the Wiener Werkstätte (1903), and the Kunstschau (1908). Adolf Loos, Josef Hoffmann, and Otto Wagner represent the leading figures of architectural modernism, and modernism in music refers to the "Second Viennese Schoolhouse" of Alban Berg, Alexander Zemlinsky, and Arnold Schönberg, as well equally the tardily-romantic symphonies of Gustav Mahler. In his Modernity and Crisis of Identity: Civilisation and Society in Fin-de-Siècle Vienna, trans. Rosemary Morris (Cambridge, 1993), Jacques Le Rider peculiarly associates the Vienna Moderns with confronting the sexual desires of the subconscious. See also Jürgen Nautz and Richard Vahrenkamp, "Das 'moderne' Wien als Brennspiegel der europäischen Moderne," in Wien 1900: Einflüsse, Umwelt, Wirkungen, ed. Jürgen Nautz and Richard Vahrenkamp (Vienna, 1996), for a similar rendering of this definition.
ii In their introduction to Die Frauen der Wiener Moderne (Munich, 1997), Emil Brix and Lisa Fischer argue that the muse (forth with the category of suffragette) remains one of the most important categories of assay shaping the history of women and gender in Austria. See also note 5 for a sampling of such muse histories.
3 Peter Altenberg to Lina Loos. Das Altenbergbuch, ed. Egon Friedell (Vienna, 1922), 170. Unless otherwise noted, all translations from the German are mine.
4 Karl Kraus, Aphorismen: Sprüche und Widersprüche (Frankfurt, 1989), thirteen.
5 For such interpretations of the three women under consideration in this essay, refer to Wolfgang Fischer, Gustav Klimt and Emilie Flöge: An Creative person and His Muse (Woodstock, 1992); Hertha Kratzer, Die unschicklichen Töchter: Frauenportraits der Wiener Moderne (Vienna, 2003); Eva Geber, ed., Die Frauen Wiens: Ein Stadtbuch für Fanny, Frances und Francesca (Vienna, 1992); Heike Herrberg and Heidi Wagner, Wiener Melange: Frauen Zwischen Salon und Kaffeehaus (Berlin, 2002); and Francoise Girard, Alma Mahler oder dice Kunst, geliebt zu werden, trans. Ursel Schäfer (Vienna, 1989). On the femme fatale, run into Nadine Sine, "Cases of Mistaken Identity: Salome and Judith at the Turn of the Century," German language Studies Review 11, no. i (1988): 9–29.
6 Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Civilization (New York, 1980); Carl Due east. Schorske, "Politics and Psyches in fin-de-siècle Vienna: Schnitzler and Hofmannsthal," American Historical Review 66 (1961): 930–46; Carl E. Schorske, "The Transformation of the Garden: Platonic and Society in Austrian Literature," The American Historical Review, 72, no. four (1967): 1283–1320; and Carl Eastward. Schorske "Politics in a New Key: An Austrian Triptych." The Journal of Modern History 39, no. four (1967): 343–86.
vii Encounter Steven Beller, Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938: A Cultural History (Cambridge, 1989); John Boyer, Political Radicalism in Late Regal Vienna: Origins of the Christian Socialist Movement 1848–1897 (Chicago, 1981); Pieter Judson, Sectional Revolutionaries: Liberal Politics, Social Experience, and National Identity in the Austrian Empire, 1848–1914 (Ann Arbor, MI, 1996); and James Shedel, Art and Society: The New Art Movement in Vienna 1897–1914 (Palo Alto, CA, 1981). Past a "gendered" interpretation, I refer to Joan Scott'due south conception of gender every bit a "useful category of historical analysis," the thought that gender (similar class, race, or religion) is simply one of many "useful" categories for reading the by: "Investigating [issues of gender] to yield a history that will provide new perspectives on erstwhile questions (nearly how, for example, political rule is imposed or what the bear upon of war on club is), redefine the old questions in new terms (introducing considerations of family and sexuality, for example, in the study of economic science or state of war) and make women visible as active participants, and create analytic distance between the seemingly fixed language of the by and our own terminology." Joan W. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (1986): 1068–86.
8 The situation is even more imbalanced in studying how codes of manhood shaped greater historical phenomena. David Luft'southward Eros and Inwardness in Vienna: Weininger, Musil, Doderer (Chicago, 2003) represents ane of the few studies of masculinity in the field aside from Le Rider.
9 On women'south political activism in Vienna 1900, see Pieter Judson, "The Gendered Politics of German Nationalism in Austria," in Austrian Women in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: Cross-Disciplinary Perspectives, Austrian Studies, ed. David F. Skilful, Margarete Gradner, and Mary Jo Maynes (Providence, RI, 1996), 1–18; Richard Geehr, Karl Lueger, Mayor of fin-de-siècle Vienna (Berkeley, CA, 1990), chap. 6; Boyer, Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna, 118–nineteen; Elizabeth Malleier, " 'A Emile Zola—Les jeunes filles de Vienne'; The 500 Viennese Girls, or, 500 against iv,000," L'homme: Zeitschrift für Feministische Geschichtswissenschaft 10, no. 1 (1999): 91–100; Laura Gellott "Mobilizing Conservative Women: The Viennese 'Katholische Frauenorgnisation' in the 1920s," Austrian History Yearbook 22 (1991): 110–30. On feminism, see Harrriet Anderson, Utopian Feminism: Women's Movements in fin-de-siècle Vienna (New Haven, CT, 1992); Renate Flich, "Auguste Fickert: 'Rote' Lehrerin und radikal bürgerliche Feministin?," in Die Revolutionierung des Alltags: Zur intellektuellen Kultur von Frauen im Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit (Frankfurt, 2004), 43–55; and Renate Flich, Wider die Natur der Frau? Entstehungsgeschichte der höheren Mädchenschulen in Österreich (Vienna, 1992). For more on women's movements in Cisleithania, encounter Renate Flich, "Bildungsstrebungen und Frauenbewegungen," Gabriella Hauch, "'Arbeit, Recht, und Sittlichkeit': Themen der Frauenbewegungen in der Habsburgermonarchie," and Birgitta Bader-Zaar, "Frauenbewegungen und Frauenwahlrecht," all in Die Habsburgermonarchie, 1848–1918, vol. 8, Politische Öffentlichkeit und Zivilgesellschaft, part 1, Vereine, Parteien und Interessenverbände als Träger der politischen Partizipation, ed. Helmut Rumpler and Peter Urbanitsch (Vienna, 2005), 961–64, 965–1003, and 1005–27, respectively.
10 Lisa Fischer maintains that the women of the Vienna Moderns typically take been classified co-ordinate to three categories—(1) "die imaginierende Frau," (2) "die inspirierende Frau," and (3) "dice imaginierte Frau"—which take obscured much of their creative and intellectual output. Meet Fischer, "Weibliche Kreativität—oder warum assoziieren Männer Fäden mit Spinnen?," in Wien 1900: Einflüsse, Umwelt, Wirkungen, ed. Nautz and Vahrenkamp, 144–58. See as well Fischer, Gustav Klimt and Emilie Flöge; Kratzer, Die unschicklichen Töchter; Herrberg and Wagner, Wiener Melange: Frauen Zwischen Salon und Kaffeehaus; and Giroud, Alma Mahler oder die Kunst, geliebt zu werden, for typical muse histories.
11 Whitney Chadwick argues that in conventional histories of Western art, "women [artists] and their productions have been presented in a negative relation to creativity and high culture…. Qualities associated with 'femininity,' such as 'decorative,' 'precious,' 'miniature,' 'sentimental,' amateur,' etc. … have provided a set of negative characteristics against which to measure 'high art.' " Refer to her "Fine art History and the Adult female Artist," in Women, Fine art, and Society, ed. Whitney Chadwick (London, 1990), 8–ix.
12 Much ambiguity yet exists in the field regarding the precise identity of the Vienna Moderns, though most scholars concur that the circles of the Vienna Moderns represented a remarkably interconnected social milieu. Refer to Edward Timms, "Dice Wiener Kreise: Schöpferische Interaktionen in der Wiener Moderne," in Wien 1900: Einflüsse, Umwelt, Wirkungen, ed. Nautz and Vahrenkamp, 128–43; Emil Brix and Patrick Werkner, "Einleitung" in Die Wiener Moderne: Ergebnisse eines Forschungsgespräches der Arbeitsgemeinschaft Wien um 1900 zum Thema "Aktualtität und Moderne," ed. Brix and Werkner (Munich, 1990).
xiii See Shedel's Art and Guild for a discussion of the Secession'southward societal mission.
14 Refer to Elizabeth Clegg, Fine art, Architecture, and Design in Cardinal Europe, 1890–1920 (New Haven, CT, 2006) for a more extended discussion of these institutional developments.
15 On architectural modernism, meet Leslie Topp's Architecture and Truth in Fin-de-Sìècle Vienna (Cambridge, 2004) and Karen Painter, ed., Mahler and His World (Princeton, 1992) for a survey of musical developments.
16 Lynn Chase, Joan Scott, and Joan Landes argue that the modernistic era has been characterized by the increased presence of women in the public sphere. Lynn Avery Chase, The Family unit Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley, 1992); Joan Landes, Women and the Public Sphere in the Age of the French Revolution (Ithaca, NY, 1988); Joan Scott, Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988).
17 The larger question of determining what was normal and conventional in this society with regard to sexual practices and interpersonal relations is an important question not yet settled in the literature, though the work of Karin Jusek represents a stride in the correct management. See Jusek's "The Limits of Female person Desire: The Contributions of Austrian Feminists to the Sexual Argue in Fin-de-Siècle Republic of austria," in Austrian Women in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries: Cross-Disciplinary Perspectives, twenty–38, and "Entmystifierung des Körpers? Feministinnen im sexuellen Diskurs der Moderne," in Die Frauen der Wiener Moderne, 110–23. For the purposes of this essay, "modernistic" gender relations are divers as those that discourage gendered divisions of labor based on sexual part and support the increased presence of women in the public sphere.
eighteen On the gendering of the public and private spheres in Austria, refer to Harriet Anderson, Utopian Feminism: Women's Movements in Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (New Haven, CT, 1992) and Brix and Fischer, Die Frauen der Wiener Moderne. Co-ordinate to traditional reasoning, certain virtues (such as action, creativity, and aggression) were inherently masculine and public. Women—naturally amicable, kindhearted, and passive—were to provide men with a feminine shelter from the rigors of the working world.
xix For a discussion of this sexually/biologically defined difference, refer to Karin Jusek, "Entmystifierung des Körpers? Feministinnen im sexuellen Diskurs der Moderne," in Die Frauen der Wiener Moderne, 110–23.
20 For a word of the Austrian aristocracy and its social importance in the modern era, refer to William Godsey, "Quarterings and Kinship: The Social Composition of the Habsburg Elite in the Dualist Era," Journal of Modernistic History 71, no. 1 (1999): 70–105.
21 Refer to Michael Burri, "Theodor Herzl and Richard von Schaukal: Self-Styled Nobility and the Sources of Bourgeois Belligerence in Prewar Vienna," in Rethinking Vienna 1900. Austrian Studies 3, ed. Steven Beller, (New York, 2001), 105–31.
22 Jacques Kornberg stresses that Herzl's withdrawing from a duel (when his father was on his deathbed) would haunt Herzl's confidence for the rest of his life. Jacques Kornberg, Theodor Herzl: From Assimilation to Zionism (Bloomington, IN, 1993), 70–one.
23 Elzbieta Hurnikowa, "Die Frauen in der österreichischen und polnischen Literatur," in Die Frauen der Wiener Moderne, 198.
24 The piece "Wie ich Schriftsteller wurde" originally appeared in a posthumously published collection entitled Mein Lebensabend (Berlin, 1919), nine.
25 Peter Altenberg, "Venedig," in Feschung (Berlin, 1915), 53–54.
26 Meet Altenberg's "Neun Briefe an Frau Lina L.," in Das Altenbergbuch, 159–82.
27 Lisa Fischer, "Über dice Erschrekende Modernität der Antimoderne der Wiener Moderne," in Dice Frauen der Wiener Moderne, 210.
28 Karl Kraus, Aphorismen: Sprüche und Widersprüche, xiii.
29 Typical of Kraus's attitudes was his formula of the adult female's soul—a highly-complex equation resulting in zero. Karl Kraus, Die Fackel 288, no. fifteen (1909): fifteen.
30 Refer to Nancy Wingfield'south "Echos of the Riehl Trial in Fin-de-Siècle Cisleithania," Austrian History Yearbook 38 (2007): 36–47 on how the 1906 trial of an infamous procuress initiated dialogue on the regulation of prostitution non but in Vienna but throughout Cisleithania.
31 Karl Kraus, Die Fackel 42, no. 5 (1900): 7.
32 Similar to Mayreder and Lang, Kraus viewed Viennese feminists as alienated from their natural femininity and that their campaign confronting sexual morality was nothing but, in the words of Harriet Anderson, an elaborate class of "sexual titillation." See Anderson, Utopian Feminism, iii–four.
33 Arthur Schnitzler, Reigen: Zehn Dialoge (Stuttgart, 2002), 45.
34 Regarding the feminist motility's entrada to bring women into the public sphere, Weininger—like his devotee Kraus—viewed the women's movement as an indication of cultural pass up. But, in dissimilarity to Kraus, he looked downwards on "natural" femininity and viewed the Viennese feminists as intellectual and physical hermaphrodites. In his thinking—because "West's demand and capacity to emancipate herself lie simply in the elements of M which she possesses"—only Mannweiber (masculinized women) deserved emancipation. […dass Emanzipationsbedürfnis und Emanzipationsfähigkeit einer Frau nur in dem Anteile an M begründet liegt, den sie hat]. Otto Weininger, Geschlecht und Charakter (Vienna, 1905), lxxx.
35 Although Weininger's theories were often bandage as decidedly misogynistic, using gender—rather than viewing maleness and femaleness as biologically defined—as a historical yardstick provides a more nuanced interpretation. After all, Weininger himself argued that each person reflects a mixture of masculine and feminine characteristics. It is when these traits are out of balance that one's gender identity becomes troubled. In Weininger'south own life, as he was both a repressed homosexual and "effeminate," these tensions were never resolved. Such themes suggest how strands of feminism, antifeminism, and virophobia were interrelated in fin-de-siècle Vienna. See Agatha Schwartz, "Austrian Fin-de-Siècle Gender Heteroglossia: The Dialogism of Misogyny, Feminism, and Virophobia," German Studies Review 28, no. two (2005): 347–66 for a give-and-take of such issues.
36 Karl Kraus, Die Fackel 229, no. xiv (1907), fourteen.
37 Weininger, Geschlecht und Charakter, 143–44.
39 Meet Chandak Sengoopta, "Reponses to Weininger," in Sengoopta, Otto Weininger: Sex, Science, and Self in Regal Vienna (Chicago, 2000), 140–41.
twoscore See Mayreder's chapter on masculinity in Zur Kritik der Weiblichkeit and her essay "Weiblichkeit und Männlichkeit im historischen Wandel," in Rosa Mayreder oder Wider die Tyrannei der Norm, ed. Hanna Bubeniãek (Vienna), 61–97.
41 Rosa Mayreder, "Von der Männlichkeit," in Mayreder, Zur Kritik der Weiblichkeit: Essays (Jena, 1905), 102.
42 Rosa Mayreder, "Das subjective Geschlechtsidol," in Mayreder, Zur Kritik der Weiblichkeit: Essays, 260.
43 Ludwig Hevesi, "Kabarett Fledermaus," in Hevesi, Altkunst-Neukunst (Vienna, 1909), 240.
44 Although modernist critics like Ludwig Hevesi were enamored with the playful delicacy of Hoffmann's "Flaches Modell" cutlery—produced from 1904–10 for clients such as Fritz Waerndorfer, the Wiener Werkstätte'south main fiscal capitalist—many Wiener-Werkstätte clients were taken aback past the Flaches Modell's surgical-similar form. In dissimilarity, the "Rundes Modell" cutlery, first designed for the Cabaret Fledermaus and then commissioned for other clients, proved more than popular with most customers. Devoid of the ball-ornaments characterizing many of Hoffmann's early designs, the "Rundes Modell" possessed a rounded, less scapular course presumably more suited to eating. Adolf Loos after satirized this entire commotion over cutlery in the 1908 article "Kulturentartung." See Adolf Loos, Sämtliche Schriften, ed. Franz Glück (Vienna, 1964), 274.
45 Egon Friedell to Lina Loos, n.d., Lina Loos Nachlass, Autograph (hereafter cited every bit Aut) H.I.N. 127.000, Handschriftensammlung, Wienbibliothek im Rathaus (future cited equally WBRH) (formerly Wiener Stadt-und Landesbibliothek), Vienna.
46 Stefan Zweig, Die Welt von Gestern: Erinnerungen eines Europäers (Frankfurt, 2005), 91.
47 Adolf Loos, "Ornament und Erziehung," in Sämtliche Schriften, 395.
48 See Adolf Loos, "Damenmode," in Dokumente der Frauen 6, no. 23 (1902): 660–64.
49 Flöge has even been referenced as a muse of the Wiener Werkstätte. Encounter Herta Neiß, 100 Jahre Wiener Werkstätte: Zwischen Mythos und wirtschaftlicher Realität (Vienna, 2004), 122.
50 Mary Wagener, "Fashion and Feminism in fin-de-siècle Vienna," Woman'south Art Journal 10, no. ii (1989): 29–33.
51 Roman Sandgruber, " 'Frauen in Bewegung': Verkehr und Frauenemanzipation," in Die Frauen der Wiener Moderne, 53–64.
52 Refer to Fischer, Gustav Klimt and Emilie Flöge, 39–42.
53 Gustav Klimt to Emilie Flöge, March 1913, Paris, Gustav Klimt und Emilie Flöge Nachlass (futurity cited every bit GKuEF/N), Aut. 959/48, Handschriftensammlung, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (futurity, ÖNBH) Vienna.
54 GKuEF/Northward, Aut. 959/47-59, ÖNBH, Vienna. In contrast to the candid and highly breezy nature of Klimt's correspondence with Emilie, Klimt'southward letters to his sister-in-police Helene and his niece are all politeness and formality, fifty-fifty in his style of penmanship. Come across Gustav Klimt to Helene Klimt, Aut. 959/59.
55 Fischer, Gustav Klimt and Emilie Flöge, 38–39.
56 Refer to Shedel, Art and Social club, "The Philosophy of the Secession," v–45.
57 On van der Velde's influence in Vienna see "Dutch Fine art-Nouveau Artistic Wearing apparel," Fine art Journal 54, no. 1 (1995): 30–33, and Mark Wigley, "White-Out: Fashioning the Modern," Aggregation 22 (1989): 6–49.
58 For such an interpretation, refer to Fischer'south An Artist and His Muse or Alessandra Comini, Gustav Klimt (New York, 1975).
59 For Alma'south account of this pursuit every bit Klimt followed her family unit's travels through Italy, see her Tagebuch-Suiten 1892–1902, ed. Antony Beaumont and Susanne Rodebreymann (Ithaca, NY, 1999).
sixty Fischer, Gustav Klimt and Emilie Flöge, 13, 109.
61 GKuEF/North, Aut. 959/47-59, ÖNBH.
62 Run across especially his May 1914 cards written to Emilie from Brussels during a visit to the Haus Stoclet—the starting time major commission of the Wiener Werkstätte, for which he produced the murals—upon which he trusts her with his clients' remarks on the recently completed Primavesi portraits, also as speculations virtually sitters for further portrait commissions. Gustav Klimt to Emilie Flöge, May 1914, Brussels, GKuEF/N, Aut. 959/l-1, ÖNBH.
63 GKuEF/N, Aut. 959/57, ÖNBH.
64 Wolfgang Fischer connects many of Klimt's humorous sketches, such as a self-caricature depicting Klimt as a testicle-shaped mouse, to a fear of women. Refer to Fischer, An Artist and His Muse, 112.
65 Come across Neiß, 100 Jahre Wiener Werkstätte, 124, 134.
66 On the Austrian "Sommerfrische," refer to Verena Perlhefter, "It Is Such a Wonderful Feeling to Be in the Countryside: The Phenomenon of the Austrian Sommerfrische," in Stephan Koja, Gustav Klimt's Landscapes (New York, 2002), 17–30 and Deborah Coen, "Liberal Reason and the Culture of the Sommerfrische," Austrian History Yearbook 38 (2007): 145–59.
67 Gustav Klimt to Emilie Flöge, 13 May 1914, Passau, GKuEF/Northward, Aut. 959/49-one, ÖNBH.
68 Come across Franz Theodor Csokor and Leopoldine Rüther, ed., Du silberne Dame, Du: Briefe von und an Lina Loos, (Vienna, 1966).
69 This is the story of their first encounter, every bit narrated past Lina years later. Refer to "Adolf Loos und ich" in Lina Loos, Das Buch ohne Titel (Vienna, 1947), 80-82.
70 In improver to the Löwenbräu anecdote, Lisa Fischer reports an alternate version of their meeting, wherein Loos escorted Lina dorsum to the Casa Piccola after a fall sustained while promenading around the Ring. See Fischer, Lina Loos: oder, wenn die Muse sich selbst küsst (Vienna, 1994), sixty–61. Yet another variation is provided past Burkhard Rukschcio and Roland Schachel's Adolf Loos: Leben und Werk (Salzburg, 1982) in which Loos extolled Lina, when asked to select betwixt his beloved cigarette instance and a highly decorative i, for choosing the simplest and thus well-nigh modern object. Rukschcio and Schachel, Adolf Loos, 51–52.
71 Kratzer, Die unschicklichen Töchter, 102.
72 See Lina Loos, Das Buch ohne Titel; Lina Loos: Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Adolf Opel (Vienna, 2003); and Lina Loos, 'Wie human wird, was man ist:' Erlebte Geschichten, ed. Adolf Opel, (Vienna, 1994).
73 See Loos'due south remarks on the Kindfrau in his memorial piece to Altenberg in Adolf Loos, "Abschied von Peter Altenberg," in Das Altenbergbuch, 349–58.
74 Loos's penchant for the Kindfrau reached a dramatic and much-publicized climax in 1928, when he faced charges of 'Unzucht' (sodomy) against small-scale girls. See the files documenting this case in the WBRH, H.I.N. 138.870/1 (Urteil gegen Adolf Loos vom 1. Dezember 1928 mit einer Beilage und 3 Zeitungsausschnitte).
75 Lisa Fischer, Lina Loos oder Wenn dice Muse sich selbst küsst, 78.
76 Even Loos'south early beloved-letters to Lina, written during his war machine service in Krems, contain frequent requests for pocket-money likewise as grander schemes for fiscal help from her father. See the letters of Adolf to Lina, Jan-June 1902. WBRH H.I.N. 126.821-126.870.
77 Adolf Loos's second wife, Elsie Altmann-Loos, recalled an anecdote of Adolf's in her memoirs. Once, when only ii crowns were left in Lina and Adolf's household, Adolf was to bring habitation groceries for their bare pantry. Instead, he squandered their last 2 crowns on an English wooden-and-silver mustard pot. When questioned why he bought an empty container rather than nutrient to fill information technology, Loos replied that he could surely find some other few crowns much easier than such a charming mustard pot. Elsie Altmann-Loos, Adolf Loos der Mensch (Vienna, 1968), 30–37.
78 Lisa Fischer, Lina Loos, 74.
79 Adolf Loos, "Wohnungswanderungen (1907)," in Über Architektur: Ausgewählte Schriften, ed. Adolf Opel (Vienna, 1995), 56.
80 Adolf Loos, "Von einem armen reichen Isle of man," in Loos, Sämtliche Schriften, 201–seven.
81 Janet Stewart, Fashioning Vienna: Adolf Loos'south Cultural Criticism (New York, 2000), 112.
82 Leslie Topp, Architecture and Truth in Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (Cambridge, 2004), 162–65.
83 Lisa Fischer, Lina Loos, 86.
84 Adolf Loos, "My Wife's Bedroom," photo in Kunst: Monatsschrift für Kunst und Alles andere i, no. one (1903): 13.
85 Refer to Benedetto Gravagnuola, Adolf Loos: Theory and Works, trans. Roberto Schezen (New York, 1982), 102–4.
86 Kunst: Monatsschrift für Kunst und Alles andere 1, no. 1 (1903): 12–thirteen.
87 Adolf Loos to Lina Loos, 16 July 1903. WBRH H.I.N. 126.901
88 Marie Lang, whose feminist vision stressed progressive motherhood and a freer mental attitude toward sexuality, had left her husband, the respected jeweler Theodor Köchert, for the lawyer Edmund Lang. Marie then bore a child, Heinz, half dozen months before her wedding to Edmund. In any case, it was quite to Adolf's surprise when he discovered Lina having an affair with the 18-twelvemonth-old Heinz in the very bedroom he designed as a tribute to her purity. While this scandal as well led to Heinz's suicide (after consulting Altenberg on the subject field), it also convinced Loos to release Lina from the union in 1905 at which point she resumed her acting career. Refer to Anderson, Utopian Feminism, 135–37, for an account of this scandal.
89 Most of her essays were published later Earth War I in periodicals and newspapers such equally Wiener Woche, Prager Tagblatt, Arbeiter-Zeitung, Neues Wiener Journal, Die Dame, Neues Wiener Tagblatt. Das Buch Ohne Titel (Vienna, 1947) was the beginning anthology of Lina'southward works.
90 Christa Gürtler and Sigrid Schmid-Bortenschlager, Erfolg und Verfolgung: Österreichische Schriftstellerinnen 1918–1945: Fünfzehn Porträts und Texte (Salzburg, 2002), 46–47.
91 Lina Loos, "Wie homo wird, was human ist," in Wie homo wird, was human ist: Lebensgeschichten, 106.
92 See Lisa Fischer, "Weibliche Kreativität–oder warum assoziieren Männer Fäden mit Spinnen?" and "Das Schicksalsjahr 1902," in Lina Loos oder Wenn dice Muse sich selbst küsst, 73–103. Loos's subsequent wives take produced biographies of Loos that reveal him to have displayed similar patterns of behavior toward them. The age gap between Loos and his bride simply increased in his next marriages to the dancer Elsie Altmann and Claire Beck, a client's daughter. Refer to Claire Loos, Adolf Loos Privat, ed. Adolf Opel (Vienna, 1985) and Elsie Altmann-Loos, Mein Leben mit Adolf Loos.
93 Adolf Loos to Lina Loos, 16 July 1903. WBRH H.I.Northward. 126.901
94 Adolf Loos, "Damenmode," in Dokumente der Frauen 6, no. 23 (1902): 663.
98 Stewart, Fashioning Vienna: Adolf Loos'due south Cultural Criticism, 119.
99 Run across Adolf Loos, "'Wiener-Weh' (Wiener Werkstätte)," Neue Freie Presse, 27 January 1927, 6.
100 Berta Zuckerkandl, "Künstlermoden: Zu den Vortrag Van der Veldes in Wien," Die Zeit,16 March 1901, 168–69.
101 Adolf Loos, "Die Herrenmode," in Loos, Sämtliche Schriften, 20. Emphasis in original.
102 In his Welt von Gestern, Zweig describes how, in contrast to the fashions of the turn of the century, modern fashions (of the 1940s and 1950s) deemphasized the departure between male and female. Zweig, Welt von Gestern, 92–96.
103 Lina Loos, "Wenn ich mein Leben überdenke," in Wie homo wird, was human being ist: Lebengeschichten, 275.
106 See Herrberg and Wagner'southward "Inspirierend und kühn: Dice Netzwerkerinnen der Salons," in Wiener Melange, which highlights how Alma has been celebrated as the muse of Vienna 1900. Herrberg and Wagner, Wiener Melange, 25–49.
107 Alma Mahler-Werfel, Mein Leben (Frankfurt, 1975), 13.
108 See, for instance, Antony Beaumont's discussion of Alma'south father reverence in his introduction to a recently-published collection of Mahler'southward letters to Alma. Gustav Mahler: Letters to his Wife, ed. Henry-Louis de la Grange and Günther Weiss (Ithaca, NY, 2004), thirteen–fifteen.
109 Mahler-Werfel, Mein Leben, 14.
110 E. F. "Kravitt, The Lieder of Alma Maria Schindler-Mahler," The Music Review 49, no. 3 (1988): 190–204.
111 See Francoise Girard, Alma Mahler oder dice Kunst, geliebt zu werden; Karen Monson, Muse to Genius; Susan Keegan, The Bride of the Current of air: The Life and Times of Alma Mahler-Werfel (New York, 1991); Patricia Stanley, "Marriage as Self-Expression in the Life of Alma Mahler-Werfel," European Legacy 1, no. 3 (1996): 931–36; Ellen Lee, "The Amazing Alma Mahler: Musical Talent, Bountiful Charm, and a Zest for Life," Clavier 38, no. 4 (1999): 20–23; Tess Lewis "Music Was the Nutrient of Love: Then Was Architecture, Painting, and Verse," Hudson Review 52, no. iii (1999): 405–14.
112 Walter Sorell, "Coming together Alma Mahler-Werfel," interview with Alma Mahler, Austria Kultur four, no. 3 (1994): 15.
113 Alma Mahler-Werfel, interviewed by Walter Sorell, cited in Sorell, Three Women: Lives of Sex and Genius (New York, 1974), 5.
114 Stanley, "Marriage every bit Self-Expression," 935.
115 Susan Filler, "A Composer'due south Wife every bit Composer: The Songs of Alma Mahler," Periodical of Musicological Inquiry four, nos. 3–4 (1983): 427–42.
116 Gustav Mahler to Alma Schindler, 5 Dec 1901, Typescript of "Ein Leben mit Gustav Mahler," Mahler Correspondences, Mahler-Werfel Papers (hereafter cited as 1000-W Papers), Manuscript Collection (future cited as MS Col.) 525, Box 35, Annenberg Rare Books and Manuscript Library, Van Pelt Library, The University of Pennsylvania (hereafter cited equally ARBML).
117 Gustav Mahler to Alma Schindler, xx December 1901 (cited by La Grange as 19 November 1901), Dresden, Hotel Bellvue, Typescript of "Ein Leben mit Gustav Mahler" and Mahler Correspondences, M-W Papers, MS Col. 525, Box 35, ARBML.
118 Alma Schindler, Tagebuch-Suite IV, entry dated 29 January 1898, M-W Papers, MS Col. 525, Box 26, Binder 1502, ARBML.
119 Walter Sorell, "Meeting Alma Mahler-Werfel," interview with Alma Mahler, Austria Kultur iv, no. three (1994): 7.
120 Alma Mahler-Werfel, Gustav Mahler: Memories and Letters, trans. Basil Creighton (Seattle, WA, 1968), 71.
121 Ibid., 42. Alma commented that "sometimes he played the part of a schoolmaster, relentlessly strict and unjust…. I was a young thing he had desired and whose education he now took in paw."
122 Gustav Mahler to Alma Schindler, twenty December 1901, Dresden, Hotel Bellvue, Typescript of "Ein Leben mit Gustav Mahler" Mahler Correspondences, One thousand-Westward Papers, MS Col. 525, Box 35, ARBML.
124 Mahler-Werfel, Memories and Letters, 22.
125 Although Alma discusses her "half-nature" throughout her diaries, her "Suite 25," dated December 1901–January 1902, particularly illustrates the struggle between the frivolous aspects of her personality and her serious, intellectual self. Refer to "Suite 25" in the published edition of her diaries, Alma Mahler-Werfel, Tagebuch-Suiten 1892–1902, ed. Antony Beaumont and Susanne Rodebreymann (Ithaca, NY, 1999), 737–52.
126 Alexander Zemlinsky, Correspondence to Alma Mahler. M-W Papers, MS Col. 525, Box 22, Folders 1380-1397, ARBML.
127 Mahler-Werfel, Mein Leben, 48.
128 Alma Mahler-Werfel, "Zwischen Zwei Kriegen" (novel manuscript written in the early 1940s), M-W Papers, MS Col. 575, Folder 1572, ARBML.
129 The penultimate judgement of the novel reads; "Und sie [Eva and Viktor] wussten plötzlich, dass es kein Judentum,—kein Ariertum, keine Trennung gibt, sondern ein Christentum auf höchster Stufe—dice Menschenwerdung des Menschen—an sich—alle Stoffe sind dieselben—der Mensch ist nur ein schmaler Streif Leidenschaft." Alma Mahler-Werfel, "Zwischen Zwei Kriegen," 84.
130 Mahler-Werfel, Mein Leben, 370.
131 Julie Marie Johnson, "From Brocades to Silks and Powders: Women's Art Exhibitions and the Germination of a Gendered Artful in Fin-de-siècle Vienna," Austrian History Yearbook 28 (1997): 269–92; "Writing, Erasing, Silencing: Tina Blau and the (Woman) Creative person'due south Biography" Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide iv, no. 3 (2005).
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